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by Eleanor Downes
| Institution: | University of Tasmania |
|---|---|
| Department: | |
| Degree: | |
| Year: | 1999 |
| Keywords: | Urban policy; City planning |
| Posted: | |
| Record ID: | 1071871 |
| Full text PDF: | http://eprints.utas.edu.au/19718/1/whole_DownesEleanor1999_thesis.pdf |
The issues presented in this project have been considered by commentators on planning for at least half a century in the context of discussion surrounding the relationship between physical planning and cultural values. As early as 1946, United States activist and social commentator Saul Alinsky in Reveille For Radicals wrote of the interrelatedness of the social and the physical, and the need for processes which gave people a voice and power within community decision making. (Alinsky, 1969). Jane Jacobs was highly critical of the internationalist approach to the design of cities. Writing in 1961, in The Life and Death of Great American Cities, she discounted the reliance on the experts, the planners, and focused instead on the reality of people's experience of cities. She concluded that how people live should be the focus of decision making and not how planners think the city should work. She stated that decisions needed to be based on the understanding of the social background of people without generalising and making assumptions (Jacobs, 1961). In 1965, Paul Davidoff called for '... a practice that openly invites political and social values to be examined and debated. Acceptance of this position means the rejection of prescriptions for planning which would have the planner act solely as a technician.' (Davidoff, 1965). Herbert Gans in his book, People and Plans wrote of the failure of planning, in particular its two major fallacies: 1. That the physical environment was a major determinant of society and culture; and 2. that only an environment based on professional planning principles could deliver the good life (Gans, 1968). During this period, in Great Britain, the Committee on Public Participation in Planning was developing its report, People and Planning. At its focus was community involvement in planning, concluding that 'People should be able to say what kind of community they want and how it should develop: and should be able to do so in a way that is positive and first hand.' (Committee on Public Participation in Planning, 1969). In the 1970s theorists such as Foglesong offered Marxist approaches to planning, raising questions such as the relationship between planners, class interests and the state as well as the contradictions between capitalism and planning (Sandercock, 1998). Leonie Sandercock comments '...the most significant contribution of Marxist approaches to planning history is the focus on class, and the deconstruction of the idea of 'the public interest' (1998). During the 1970s and 80s, Amos Rapoport was offering an anthropological approach to planning and environmental design decision making. He states 'the nature of the group which is being considered in planning and design cannot be assumed but needs to be discovered' (Rapoport, 1980). He suggests that in order to understand the relationship between people and their environment, one must get beyond material aspects of the environment and understand the nature of culture (1980). It is necessary to…
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